 |
|
Trump, the “national unity” trap in Brazil, and anti-imperialism This situation has not gone unnoticed by various sectors of imperialism. The Washington Post, owned by Trumpist Jeff Bezos, writes: "Christmas came early for Lula, and the gift was sent by Trump through this clumsy attack on Brazil's sovereignty." The New York Times, which leans toward the Democratic Party, claims that the anti-Trump movement has rekindled support for the Brazilian government. Edward Luce, editor-in-chief of the Financial Times, part of the anti-Trump wing of British imperialism, is convinced that the best way to restore the credibility of weakened governments around the world is to attract part of Trump's tariff war to himself. He also praises the Brazilian judiciary—the same judiciary and its leadership in the Supreme Court that supported the 2016 institutional coup, dressing up the US State Department. This appreciation of the effects of Trump's interference is evident in the numbers. According to a Quaest poll, Lula's disapproval rating fell in July, from 57% to 53%, and his approval rating rose from 40% to 43% . The largest drop in Lula's disapproval rating was recorded in the Southeast region, falling from 64% in May to 56% in July. Approval rose from 32% to 40%. The pro-Bolsonaro right has lost momentum and is playing political defense. As if the 50% tariff imposed by the White House weren't enough, Secretary of State Marco Rubio revoked entry permission to the US for Brazilian Supreme Court Justice Alexandre de Moraes as a pressure measure. Moraes responded by accusing Jair Bolsonaro of conspiring with his son to incite hostilities against Brazil, banning him from contact with foreign governments, and forcing him to wear an electronic anklet. Such signals encouraged the realpolitik of the Workers' Party, and Lula in particular, to ally itself with the far right in Congress, which had been inflicting defeats on the executive branch. At Lula's urging, Vice President Geraldo Alckmin allied himself with the right-wing Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies, Hugo Motta, and Davi Alcolumbre, in the name of the sovereignty... of indigenous capitalist enterprises. The Lula government even sought peace with Arthur Lira . The FIESP (Federation of Industries of the State of São Paulo), a leading pro-coup employer organization, aligned its discourse with that of the Lula government, as did the American Chamber of Commerce with Brazil (Amcham), which represents imperialist corporations such as Amazon, Coca-Cola, GM, Caterpillar, and MedTech. Lula appeared at rallies wearing MAGA-inspired caps with slogans like "Brazil belongs to the Brazilians." The Workers' Party, wrapped in the euphoria of a truce with the right, chose slogans typical of Bolsonarism: "My party is Brazil." Thus, while claiming to defend national sovereignty, Lula leads a "national unity" with the Brazilian ruling class and its authoritarian institutions, all closely linked to US imperialism and the subjugation of the national economy to foreigners. The same economic sectors that protest against the White House's protectionism are constant traitors of the country's natural and energy resources to foreign powers, predators of the Amazon through latifundism, extortionists who subject the country to global finance through fraudulent payments of the public debt and the Fiscal Framework itself, and defenders of Zionist colonialism. Unity…with whom? History is illustrative. Under the same Henry Kissinger we mentioned at the beginning, the FIESP collaborated in sustaining the pro-US military dictatorship installed in Brasilia. The Brazilian military junta, as Matias Spektor reports , collaborated with the Pentagon in US political interference in Southern Cone countries ravaged by bloody dictatorships, such as Argentina, Bolivia, Chile, and Uruguay. The FIESP, which actively participated in organizing the 1964 military coup, was directly responsible for the campaign by big capital to organize the institutional coup that would lead to Lula's imprisonment in 2018. It is worth remembering that the judiciary, with which Lula shared a platform in the supposed defense of national sovereignty, actively participated in the Brazilian military dictatorship. With the atrophy of the National Congress, it fell to jurists to fill the void of the regime built on the Institutional Acts of the military. Speaking of the judiciary, its role in recent political history exemplifies the subordination of institutions to foreign powers. The Supreme Federal Tribunal (Supreme Court) was, as we have often said, the "first fiddle" of the 2016 institutional coup, driven by Operation Car Wash by Sérgio Moro, a judge personally trained by the U.S. State Department in political intervention operations in Latin American countries. Luiz Fux, Edson Fachin, Luís Roberto Barroso, Dias Toffoli, Rosa Weber, and other distinguished justices of the Supreme Federal Tribunal were staunch defenders of the pro-imperialist offensive in Brazil, supporting Moro and Operation Car Wash. How can we forget the tweet by former General Eduardo Villas Boas the day before Lula's habeas corpus trial at the Supreme Federal Tribunal, in which the Supreme Court authorized Moro to arbitrarily detain the Workers' Party leader? Supreme Federal Court Justice Carmen Lúcia approved the consolidation of the institutional coup with her final vote. These measures had economic consequences. Luís Roberto Barroso (for whom "excessive protection leaves no protection") and Gilmar Mendes upheld the constitutionality of Michel Temer's disastrous 2017 labor reform in the Supreme Court, and Dias Toffoli called for a "national pact" for Bolsonaro's pension reform. Thus, the Federal Supreme Court enshrined precariousness and outsourcing in the country, which the overwhelming majority of workers oppose. All these measures were implemented in accordance with the demands of Washington and the US imperialist monopolies, already during the first Trump administration. Needless to say, the Armed Forces, which since the founding of the Republic in 1889 have had a particular predilection for intervening in politics through conspiracies, coups, and military coups, are inextricably linked to foreign powers. The United States was the first to recognize the republican government of Deodoro da Fonseca, and Marshal Floriano Peixoto received direct naval support from Washington to secure his government against the Navy Revolt. We have already mentioned the lackey role the military played during the dictatorship by helping to implement Plan Condor in Latin America. In fact, many of the generals, officers, and other commanders—preserved by Lula—were involved in Bolsonaro's coup attempts. In an interview with generals about the crisis with Trump, Marcelo Godoy revealed how most of them were preoccupied with maintaining relations with the White House, arms supplies, and the post-1945 strategic system. Pure barracks flattery. And what about Zionism, which enjoys strong support in industrial and commercial chambers, treated by Lula as allies in the fight for "national sovereignty"? No offensive against Trump is possible as long as trade, diplomatic, and military agreements are maintained with the colonialist state of Israel, responsible for the atrocious genocide against Palestinians in Gaza for almost two years. Lula, who speaks out against genocide, continues to maintain these relations. This shameful national subservience has reached such a point that Brazilian oil has been denounced before the UN as a fundamental part of the Israeli genocidal economy. As we reported in Esquerda Diário, Petrobras increased its oil sales to Israel (216 million reais in 2024 alone), representing almost 10% of the product imported by Netanyahu's murderous government. Brazil has a larger trade partnership with Tel Aviv than Argentina, governed by Trump's reactionary ass-kisser Javier Milei. Is it possible to reject Trump through "national unity" with the Brazilian bourgeoisie, its politicians, and judges, structurally subordinated and subservient to imperialism? No. This policy, in fact, paves the way for the recovery of the right and far right, whether under the guise of Bolsonarism or some other repugnant substitute. An anti-imperialist program that truly confronts Trump It is essential to understand the reactionary nature of this policy of supposed "national unity" against Trump. With internal disputes and disputes between its various factions, the Brazilian bourgeoisie and its institutions are acting precisely to block any anti-imperialist mobilization, as it could harm their particular interests, negotiating through chambers of commerce and diplomacy. The false idea that class unity is necessary to confront Trump only serves to demobilize workers and youth, diluting and weakening their power. How can anti-imperialist political activity be carried out? A fundamental condition is complete independence from the Frente Amplio government. Trump's interference in Brazil must be rejected, as must any punishment that always falls on the working class and the poor, whether through the transfer of costs from capitalists or even through threats of layoffs and sector closures. If their profits are affected, the bourgeoisie will undoubtedly seek to implement wage and job cuts. This scenario must be prevented through mobilization, and we are on the front lines with all those who wish to wage this battle. Looking at this in perspective, it's useful to consider structural demands as a program that attacks the interests of imperialism at their root—that is, the interests of its agent within the country, the Brazilian bourgeoisie. First, it is necessary to revoke all agreements that subordinate the national economy to imperialism and ensure that the country's natural, mineral, and energy resources are available to meet the needs of the poor and working population. The oil problem is symptomatic. 63% of Petrobras' capital is outside state control (46% of which is traded on Wall Street). There is no sovereignty possible in the hands of global financial capital. Brazilian oil must be 100% state-owned, controlled and managed by the oil workers themselves . Only then will not a single drop of national oil be used by the Zionist war machine. Likewise, all public services such as education, health, and transportation should be taken out of the private sector and nationalized, under the control and management of workers . Trump has threatened to intervene in the Amazon, relying on Section 301 of the Comprehensive Trade and Competitiveness Act. The Amazon has been strategically used by the United States for decades, with the authorization of all governments. An anti-imperialist policy stems from the expulsion of the US economic, commercial, and military presence from the region. But not only that. It demands the abolition of large estates, mining, and the big capital responsible for deforestation and the destruction of Indigenous communities (as we saw in the Yanomami crisis). All lands must belong to those who inhabit and work them, without a single cent of compensation for ranchers and international shareholders. One of Lula's policies with the greatest impact on the country's subjugation to the United States is the Fiscal Framework, the Broad Front's new spending limit, which mimics Michel Temer's plan. While it promotes taxing the super-rich (without advancing the progressive taxation of large fortunes, large inheritances, profits, and dividends), what Lula does with the Fiscal Framework is tax the poorest to favor the super-rich and guarantee the payment of the public debt . R$ 15 billion have already been cut from health, education, and social programs in 2024, a figure that will rise to R$ 31 billion in 2025. Thus, one policy to defend the country from the plundering of the United States and the European powers is the abolition of the Fiscal Framework, and the end of the payment of illegal, illegitimate and fraudulent public debt , which forces the overwhelming majority of the national budget to pay endless interest to large international bankers, such as JPMorgan, Bank of America, Citigroup, Wells Fargo and Goldman Sachs. Debt refinancing alone cost 1.3 billion reais in 2025, almost half of the total public budget. This bank allocation was assiduously paid not only by Temer and Bolsonaro, but also during the Workers' Party governments: during Lula and Dilma's first terms, it is estimated that nearly 13 billion reais were used to pay interest and refinance the debt. It's a lie to say that the Brazilian economy would "fall into ruin" with the abolition of this financial control over the country. On the contrary, the public budget, now forced to incessantly pay large foreign capitals, could be used to improve public services and finance the full protection of labor rights for all. Indeed, an anti-imperialist policy requires abolishing the 6x1 workweek (which cannot be achieved with tax breaks for business owners, as government sectors linked to the Workers' Party (PT) desire) and establishing protective measures that guarantee full labor rights for all workers. Our struggle is for a reduction of the workweek to 30 hours, without any reduction in wages. Along with the end of the 6x1 workweek, we must impose an end to the labor reform instituted by the judiciary and the far right, continued under the Lula administration . It allows for intermittent and temporary work shifts and the complete outsourcing of labor, increasing the precariousness that is one of the gateways to slave labor in our country. These hellish evils, which physically and mentally destroy millions of people, serve imperialist investments in the country. Along with the end of labor reform, the pension reform enacted by Bolsonaro and maintained during Lula's administration must be eliminated . No defense policy against US blackmail could be implemented without this component. How can we talk about rejecting Trump without breaking all agreements with Israel? As Francesca Albanese, UN Special Rapporteur on Palestine, explained at the Bogotá Conference: Gaza is now hell, and the atrocities of the past 21 months are not a sudden aberration, but the culmination of decades of policies to displace and replace the Palestinian people. In the face of genocide, "this is not a question of charity or compassion, but of obligation: every state must immediately sever all ties with the State of Israel: military, political, strategic, economic, diplomatic, and commercial." A fundamental anti-imperialist policy is a total break with Israel. We fight for a free Palestine from the river to the sea, a working-class and socialist Palestine that will serve as a fulcrum for the development of the revolution throughout the Middle East. And what about the judiciary? Doesn't it have a thousand and one ties to imperialism? How can it be a lifeline against Trump? The judiciary is composed of a privileged, lifelong caste, with high courts appointed through negotiations between the dominant political forces and no popular vote for the appointment of judges and prosecutors. If this balance of power was originally based on opposition to tyranny, as opposed to monarchical absolutism, the truth is that its historical function was to minimize the impact of popular sovereignty in bourgeois democracies, based precisely on the defense of the legality of capitalist property. As Aristotle said, nothing generates more political problems than the perks and financial benefits of judges. The privileges of this caste of judges must be eliminated. Recalling the best Marxist tradition, judges must be elected by the people, revocable at any time, and receive the same salary as a teacher, abolishing their additional benefits . To end the wave of corrupt businessmen and politicians, which affects all dominant parties, all corruption trials must be carried out by popular juries, abolishing the high courts . This program of attacking the privileges of the regime and the oligarchy of judges must be linked to measures that address the economic crisis generated by business leaders: it is necessary to impose default on the public debt and the nationalization of banking, foreign trade, and strategic economic resources under workers' control. These are some structural political measures of a concrete anti-imperialist program that confronts Trump and US imperialism where it hurts most: private property and the institutions that defend it. None of this can be achieved with "national unity" agreements like those of the FIESP, Hugo Motta, or Alexandre de Moraes. These are points that must be defended in the living process of class struggle, with the support of organized workers, in alliance with all oppressed sectors, with youth, women, Indigenous peoples, and the Black population. Perhaps more importantly, they indicate the indispensable political independence we need if we are trying to effectively reject the bravado of Yankee imperialism, without falling into the trap that Lula and the Broad Front created with their "national unity." https://www.laizquierdadiario.com/Trump-la-trampa-de-la-unidad-nacional-en-Brasil-y-el-antiimperialismo Back |
 Links Search |
||||||
|
|||||||
